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"Barack Obama veut reprendre la main face à la Chine" dans l'express.fr

Le 16 février 2010

 

Le président américain doit rencontrer jeudi le dalaï-lama qui arrive aux États-Unis ce mardi. La preuve qu'il compte bien changer la position des États-Unis face à Pékin, selon Mathieu Duchâtel, chercheur de l'Asia Centre à Sciences Po Paris.

En octobre dernier, Barack Obama évitait de rencontrer le dalaï-lama, qui arrive de nouveau sur le sol américain ce mardi. Leur entretien prévu ce jeudi - et qui suscite déjà l'ire de Pékin - ne devrait pas tomber à l'eau. Comment expliquer ce contraste ?

 

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Yale Global online November 16, 2009

Le 16 novembre 2009

 

A l’heure de la tournée du Président américain Barack Obama en Asie, les européens s’interrogent face à l’évocation par ce dernier d’un ‘’partenariat stratégique’’ (strategic partnership) entre les Etats-Unis et la Chine, craignant que cela n’aboutisse à la mise en place d’un « G2 » entre les  deux puissances. Dans un essai publié par Yale Global, François Godement, Directeur de la stratégie à Asia Centre, revient sur les réalités, les fondements et les limites d’un tel « G2 » et s’intéresse à la façon dont les puissances tierces, et notamment l’Europe, perçoivent les relations sino-américaines sous la nouvelle administration Obama.

 

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Le Monde, 18 octobre 2009

 

Le Monde, 18 octobre 2009Manmohan Singh, premier ministre d'Inde, s'est rendu le 3 octobre dans l'Etat indien de l'ArunachalPradesh, où se déroule une campagne électorale. Rien que de très banal, semble-t-il, pour un premierministre. Pas pour les autorités chinoises, en revanche, qui viennent d'élever de vives protestations.

L'Arunachal Pradesh est en fait une vieille source de discorde entre les deux géants d'Asie, car Pékin y revendique un territoire de 90 000 km2 que les Chinois considèrent comme le "Tibet méridional". Une visite du dalaï-lama, prévue pour novembre dans un monastère situé dans le même Etat, n'est pas non plus pour arranger les choses entre Pékin et New Delhi.

 

Broutilles diplomatiques ? On aurait tort de négliger l'évolution des rapports entre deux pays qui pèsent de plus en plus non seulement dans l'économie mondiale, mais aussi dans la nouvelle articulation des relations internationales, et qui, accessoirement, réunissent à eux deux largement plus du tiers des habitants de la planète. Le dernier numéro de China Analysis. Les Nouvelles de Chine, revue électronique publiée par Asia Centre, institut de recherche sur l'Asie hébergé par Sciences Po à Paris (www.centreasia.org), tombe donc à pic, puisqu'il consacre, précisément, un dossier à la relation sino-indienne, sous l'angle de "l'impossible partenariat".

 

Le Figaro, 30 sept. 2009

 

Crédits photo : ASSOCIATED PRESSLa célébration des 60 ans de la République populaire de Chine a tout pour irriter, et pourtant elle est bien méritée. L'irritation d'abord : un an après les Jeux olympiques de 2008, un an avant l'Exposition universelle de Shanghaï en 2010, voilà la Chine à nouveau plongée dans la communion nationaliste et la mobilisation générale, toujours au plus grand profit apparent du gouvernement. La sécurité est omniprésente, la mobilisation des individus aussi, avec cette liste interminable des stars chinoises, y compris d'outre-mer, qui contribuent à magnifier l'événement. Le défilé militaire de la place Tiananmen, attendu depuis des mois par les connaisseurs, et quelque peu éventé par de multiples et bruyantes répétitions, viendra rappeler que le «monde harmonieux» promu par les dirigeants actuels n'exclut pas une projection de force de plus en plus significative...

 

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The China JournalBook review from Kun-Chin Lin, National University of Singapore.

 

Shaping China's Energy Security: The Inside Perspective, edited by Michael Meidan. Paris: Asia Centre/Centre etudes Asie, 2007. 239 pp. €22.00 (France), €25.00 (Europe), €26.00 (elsewhere) (paperback).

 

This edited book contributes significantly to our understanding of energy policies and politics in China. Divided into four parts, it covers a broad range of topics and analytical approaches, including institutional analysis of the regulatory framework, sectoral analysis of the coal, oil and power industries, policy analysis of energy tax and environmental regulation, and normative discussions of China's potential contributions to international diplomacy on global warming. Prominent scholars from the UK, France, the US, China and Japan provide a lIseful representation of the range of research on China's energy sector...

The overarching theme is the Chinese state's capacity to address the growing sense of energy insecurity-defined as "strategic threats" posed by supply disruptions, efficiency and sustainability in energy usage, price volatility, and environmental degradation (p. 16). The authors encourage us to think beyond the conventional emphasis on supply-side policies and procurement, to investigate the political choices emerging from the key regulators' strategic interactions with stakeholders and to incorporate the macroeconomic, social and foreign policy, and fiscal and legal dimensions of energy security. They highlight the unresolved issues of corporate governance and economic efficiency in the aftermath of the restructuring of the national oil and petrochemical corporations (NOCs) and privatization of coal sectors in the late 1990s.

 

Chapter 1 by Michal Meidan, Philips Andrews-Speed and Ma Xin proposes an analytical framework for energy policy-making, listing and briefly characterizing the central state regulators and a variety of stakeholders. Not surprisingly, the main relationship affecting policy output is that between ministries and state-owned firms such as the national oil corporations. The chapter could benefit from greater clarity about the interests of the regulators, in particular by differentiating clearly between economic and technical concerns on the one hand and fiscal imperatives on the other. This neglect of the fiscal aspects of energy policies is a problem throughout the book.

 

Meidan, Andrews-Speed and Ma are absolutely right that the cherished "fragmented authoritarianism" model of bureaucratic politics does not account adequately for the emerging regulatory landscape on energy policies. Simply stated, there are more autonomous interests and energy-related issues to consider today than there were in the late 1980s. The issue linkages implied in this more inclusive analytical framework are laid out for three policy bundles encapsulating different statist priorities-energy supply, the relationship between energy supply and efficiency, and the relationship between energy efficiency and environmental protection (pp. 58-61). I would have liked to see a critical assessment of the key predictions of the fragmented authoritarian model; however, this chapter serves as a reference point for future theory-building.

 

Erica Downs' work on the relative autonomy of NOCs is highly respected; in Chapter 2 she turns to the supply side of policies and regulation. Her account adopts the language of the fragmented authoritarian model, but her findings push the model's boundaries. I would have liked to see more precision about the current functions of the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), and an assessment of the relative rule-making activism and enforcement presence of the agencies across issue areas would be informative. Downs underscores the continuing usefulness for elite promotion of work experience in the oil sector - does this pattern suggest factionalism with an "oil clique" as its base? Do regulators consider job prospects in the NOCs when they design or enforce policies? These questions relate to an important debate on the emergence of the regulatory state in China.

 

In Chapter 3 Brian Ricketts of the International Energy Agency analyzes the international and domestic market characteristics of coal production and trade. While coal pricing and coalmine ownership have been significantly more privatized than in the oil and petrochemical sectors, Ricketts rightly points out that coal trade remains under the oligopolistic control of state-owned trading companies. In addition, serious shortcomings in health, safety and environmental regulation and in transport infrastructure have discouraged investors. A greater focus is needed on the responses of local governments to Beijing's attempts to consolidate the market, favor large-scale mines and increase regulatory enforcement; the concluding chapter mentions the need to consider the local state (p. 226).

 

Chapter 4 by Shi Dan, a leading expert on China's energy, hints at the redistributive conflicts behind domestic-international price gaps and Beijing's adherence to administrative controls over price adjustments. This chapter captures succinctly the essence of the structural problems facing the oil industry since the last market consolidation and asset restructuring of NOCs in 1998. As China moves toward price convergence with global prices while keeping the NDRC firmly in control of price-setting, it exposes itself to contentious redistributive politics in times of price fluctuations. The oligopolistic market structure has also impeded the emergence of private competitors and the adoption of technology and production methods to improve efficiency in subsidiaries. Her suggestion that the government allocate funds for strategic petroleum reserves is particularly apt in the current context of depressed oil prices, but her additional suggestions for market-determination of oil prices and encouragement of private capital in exploration would be difficult to implement. If, as Downs has argued, the NOCs have leveraged their autonomous political influence, then such changes would be possible only if they can provide private gains for the NOCs.

 

Chapter 5 by Wei Bin on the power industry reflects the official perspective on the key reform measures in the past decade and the future reform agenda. Chapter 6 by Yang Lan, Mao Xianqiang, Liu Zhaoyang and Xing Youkai applies a general equilibrium model (using the base year 2000) to simulate the effects of an energy tax on macroeconomic indices, energy consumption, saving and demand, and the environment. The model's assumptions are certainly open to dispute. The prediction, not surprisingly, is that the higher the level of the energy tax, the greater the negative impacts on the national economy, but also the more likely that industries and households will adjust their energy usage and technology toward cleaner fuel. The authors argue that the energy tax should be supplemented by short-term side-payments to disadvantaged users and additional incentives to promote green technology. This has not been done with the recent implementation of the national fuel tax.

 

Chapters 7 to 9 adopt a legalistic perspective on China's energy policy in a broader geopolitical context. In Chapter 7, Wang Mingyuan identifies an interesting paradox in the legal foundation for China's implementation of "clean development mechanisms" (COM): the core domestic laws on CDM rest on China's commitments as a contracting party to the Kyoto Protocol. Furthermore, the 2004 Management Measures invite bureaucratic entanglements involving many major and supporting agencies. The chapter's faint condemnation of private interests unfortunately precludes a more thoughtful discussion of incentivizing firms and encouraging private-public partnerships in CDMs.

 

Chapter 8 by Yu Hongyuan provides an overview of China's involvement in international regimes concerning climate change. The central theme is China's willingness to recognize the negative impacts of its rapid growth and to come to terms with other countries' demands. I would have liked to see a discussion of whether China's position on climate change is either complicated or facilitated by participation in general multilateral institutions such as ASEM and APEC. Yu rightly points out that domestic empirical understanding of the actual impact of climate change remains woefully inadequate, hindering informed and accountable pol icy-making.

 

The final chapter, by Tadakatsu Sano-a former vice-minister of the Japanese Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI)-with Mikiko Fujiwara, offers lessons from the Japanese experience in managing energy insecurity. This comparison has many limitations and may overstate China's potential problems, since for China the development of domestic resources is a viable option. Sa no does not consider the Japanese government's mixed record of environmental protection, or innovative Japanese carmakers' critical contribution to meeting consumer demand for fuel efficiency. The chapter's relevance to China would also have been enhanced by further analysis of Japan's bureaucratic reorganization, along the lines of Steven Vogel's work on reregulation.

 

Despite its limitations, this book represents the state of the art in Western scholarship on the elite politics and institutions of China's energy security. It is appropriate for undergraduate study and graduate research on the political economy of development. I would recommend it to anyone with an interest in China's energy policy and environmental protection, as well as its developmental bottlenecks and elite policy-making in general. The Introduction and individual chapters provide adequate background information for the general-interest reader and concise literature reviews on specific topics of China's energy policy and industrial structure. It would be good to see further volumes on closely related topics such as fuel tax implementation and other tax incentives to promote the restructuring of domestic automobile manufacturers and consumption patterns of industries and households, or the roles of private capital, foreign investors and local governments in the energy sectors.

(Articles et Publications)
"Nuke Proliferation Stirs" de François Godement sur DefenseNews.com
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DefenseNews.com publie "Nuke Proliferation Stirs" de François Godement

Iran, N. Korea Require Coordinated Response
Published: 23 March 2009

 

The world is inching perilously closer to a new chapter in the proliferation of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. Two countries have almost simultaneously hardened their stances in recent weeks, underscoring their ability to achieve breakthroughs in weapon technology.

One is Iran. It consistently denies any intention of possessing nuclear weapons while taking all of the necessary steps toward acquisition. An oil-rich country, it launches a civilian nuclear energy program, then proceeds with uranium enrichment in a manner consistent with a military goal. Most recently, it succeeds in its first ballistic launch of a space satellite.

  

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(Articles et Publications)
En Thaïlande, les apparences d’un putsch consensuel, S. Boisseau du Rocher

Le Figaro – Opinions, 22 sept. 2006

 

Le coup d’État qui a secoué la Thaïlande ne constitue qu’une étape supplémentaire dans la crise politique qui déstabilise le pays depuis plusieurs années. Réélu confortablement en 2005, mais non sans contestation des résultats, Thaksin Shinawatra, le puissant magnat des télécommunications devenu homme politique à la fin des années 1990 puis premier ministre en 2001, appliquait en politique la même règle que dans les affaires : la loi du plus fort. Comment l’armée thaïlandaise a-t-elle pu préparer un coup d’État dans un pays que l’on pensait converti à la démocratie et au jeu parlementaire ? C’est à partir de cette réflexion que S. Boisseau du Rocher a décrypté dans la presse les tenants et les aboutissements de cette crise.

(Articles et Publications)
Bilan : Les années Koizumi (G. Delamotte)

Revue Accomex, n°71, sept.-oct. 2006, pp. 18-23

 

Premier ministre du Japon entre 2001 et 2006, J. Koizumi a disposé sur quasiment toute la durée de son mandat d’une très forte popularité liée à son charisme et ses réformes. Sur le plan politique, J. Koizumi a rompu avec les pratiques traditionnelles et renforcé la discipline de parti. A l’origine de la restructuration du système bancaire et d’une réforme des relations entre administration centrale et collectivités locales, J. Koizumi n’a pas hésité non plus à s’attaquer aux projets touchant directement la clientèle électorale du PLD (réseau des postes, travaux publics, etc.). De nombreux chantiers attendent encore son successeur, S. Abe, nommé en septembre 2006, à commencer par le financement des retraites et la gestion globale du vieillissement de la population, en passant par la montée des inégalités. Le nouveau Premier ministre aura également comme responsabilité de mener à bien l’objectif de J. Koizumi : assurer la pleine reconnaissance du Japon sur la scène politique internationale. Dans le cas particulier des relations sino-japonaises, il pourrait se révéler plus fin diplomate que J. Koizumi.

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